by Raúl Zibechi, Roar Magazine
This article was originally published by the Observatorio
Social de América Latina (OSAL Nº 34). English translation by Ramor Ryan for
Upside Down World.
The huge mobilizations in June 2013 in 353 cities and towns
in Brazil came as much a surprise to the political system as to analysts and
social bodies. Nobody expected so many demonstrations, so numerous, in so many
cities and for so long. As happens in these cases, media analyses were quick
off the mark. Initially they focused on the immediate problems highlighted by
the actions: urban transport, rising fare prices and the poor quality of
service for commuters. Slowly the analyses and perspectives expanded to include
the day-to-day dissatisfaction felt by a large part of the population. While
there was widespread acknowledgement that basic family income had risen during
the last decade of economic growth, social commentators began to focus on
economic inclusion through consumption as the root of the dissatisfaction,
alongside the persistence of social inequality.
In this analysis, I would like to address the new forms of
protest, organization, and mobilization from a social movement perspective.
These new forms emerged within small activist groups composed mainly of young
people that began organizing in 2003, the year Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva took
power. Unlike political parties, trade unions and other traditional
organizations formed in the early eighties, the new social movements are key to
the June mobilizations because of their ability to organize beyond their local
scene, to involve the broadest sectors of society in the struggle and to employ
forms of action and organization that sets them apart from the groups that went
before them.
In most cases, media coverage and analysis have been guilty
of overgeneralizing, often giving an almost magical role to “social networks”
in mobilizing the millions of people in the street. “With nimble fingers on
their cell phones, youth have taken to the streets all around the world to
protest, connected by social networks,” said former President Luiz Inacio Lula
da Silva. (Da Silva, 2013) “Beyond social media, the people are unorganized,”
said leading intellectual Luiz Werneck Vianna. (Vianna, 2013:9) Other analysts
linked the “revolution 2.0″ to a new middle class
and argued that the June struggles in Brazil form part of the Arab Spring and
the Spanish indignados (Cocco, 2013:17).
In this essay I assert — in tune with James C. Scott — that
the key to what is happening in the public arena is to be found in the daily
practices of the popular sectors and particularly in what Scott calls “hidden
spaces” where the subordinated develop discourses antagonistic to power: “The
acts of daring and haughtiness that so struck the authorities were perhaps
improvised on the public stage, but they had been long and amply prepared in
the hidden transcript of folk culture and practice.” (Scott, 2000:264) To focus
on the content behind and below the visible coast of the political, says Scott,
is a necessary step to understand a new political culture. The new forms of
protest and organizing in Brazil can better be understood if we look closely at
the practices of the small activist groups forged over the span of more than a
decade.
To avoid generalizations, let us focus specifically on one
of the principle actors at the root of the June protests, and one that embodies
these new forms of organization and action. The Movimento Passe Livre (Free
Fare Movement, MPL) acted as a kind of detonator for the massive explosion of
demonstrations in June. The MPL was responsible for calling the initial
demonstrations that were brutally repressed by the police and which in turn led
to general public outrage. Other key social organizations involved are the
Comités Populares da Copa (Popular Committees for the World Cup), the Centro de
Midia Independente (Indymedia Brazil, CMI) and the Movimento dos Trabalhadores
Sem Teto (Homeless Worker’s Movement, MTST), as well as the important role
played by the hip hop scene in São Paulo and urban peripheries settlements.
Salvador, Florianópolis, Porto Alegre
From August 13 to mid-September 2003, the city of Salvador
in the state of Bahia was shaken by the constant demonstrations of tens of
thousands of students protesting the increase of bus fares from 1.30 to 1.50
reais. More than 40,000 people blocked roads and avenues, shut down key
junctions and held their ground in the face of police repression. The wave of
protests became known as the Revolta do Buzu (in reference to buses) and is
considered the birth of the passe livre movement, with its demand for free bus
fare for students.
It was a movement of poor and lower middle class students
who were faced with high transport costs that represented 30% of the minimum
wage. The official student associations, separated from the daily lives of
students, played no role in the mobilizations. Instead it was a movement made
up of people who had not previously participated in demonstrations and was
characterized by its rapid radicalization. These were young people without
political experience but accustomed to challenging authority (sneaking onto
buses, hanging around on street corners listening to pagode and dancing samba)
who turned their backs on the “leadership” of the student bodies and political
parties, and were at the forefront of the street blockades resisting the
police. (Nascimento, 2011)
The student multitudes rejected the official bodies that
claimed to represent them, made decisions in large assemblies and shared common
tasks. The assemblies were held at the street blockades that spread throughout
the city, and decisions were taken on a consensus basis. The assemblies
functioned in a strictly horizontal manner and the proposal to set up
committees was rejected, to “prevent the formation of a new student bureaucracy
in the streets.” (Nascimento, 2011: 9) The general feeling among the protesters
was that they could lose through institutionalization what they had won in the
streets.
Nevertheless, members of ‘official’ student organizations
proclaimed themselves representatives of the movement and negotiated an
agreement with the municipality that contributed to the demobilization of the
protests without having achieved any of the objectives. (Saraiva, 2010:65)
Various analysts agree that while militants of left-wing parties were directly
responsible for the convening of the first demonstration in Salvador, once the
movement expanded exponentially, these militants were left on the sidelines.
(Nascimento, 2011)
In parallel, the Campanha pelo Passe Livre Estudiantil
(Student Free Fare Campaign) developed in Florianópolis from 2000 onwards,
although there were also small groups with similar demands in São Paulo and
other cities. The Juventude Revolução (Revolutionary Youth) organization linked
to the Worker’s Party began local campaigns around the issue of free fare in
secondary schools and organized small demonstrations, leading to the
mobilization of 15-20,000 students in 2004, in a city of 400,000 inhabitants.
(Coletivo Maria Tonha, 2013)
The activist collective responsible for initiating the
movement for free fares was expelled from the Juventude Revolução organization,
for asserting independence from the party on the basis that youth “should not
be watched over by an adult organization.” (Coletivo Maria Tonha, 2013) The documentary
Revolta do Buzu by Argentine filmmaker Carlos Pronzato about the Salvador
uprising circulated among activists, serving as an inspiration for the emerging
groups in Florianópolis and other cities. In May 2004, the Florianópolis
municipality once more increased the transport cost, which had already
increased by 250% in the previous ten years. Following ten days of massive
demonstrations, blockading the bridges linking the island with the mainland of
the city during rush hour, the protesters were successful in stopping the fare
increase. A campaign of direct action accompanied the mass protests, with
students refusing to pay the bus fare, jumping turnstiles or opening the rear
doors of buses. Similar to the demonstrators in Salvador, the students held mass
assemblies in public spaces. (Cruz and Alves, 2009)
Through participants’ accounts of the events, we get a sense
of the new forms of protest and organization:
[Present at the protests were] hundreds of secondary school
students, community movements from the north and south of the island, college
students, mothers, fathers, teachers, actors, public functionaries, trade
unionists and other workers. Artists from the hip hop movement, as well as
maracatu and capoeira groups livened up the marches. After a few days large
assemblies occupying the Avenida Paulo Fontes (accessing the Central Terminal,
the largest in the city), renamed Uprising street, had become a fixture.
Community leaders, representatives from organized groups, and people not
affiliated with any organization or institution participated and spoke at the
assemblies. An older lady would speak with indignation about a particular
problem, to be followed by a young man putting forward a proposal for action.
The foundations for the movement were built right there and then in these large
assemblies. (Cruz and Alves, 2009)
As in Salvador, student institutions and political parties
did not play a prominent role in Florianópolis. The CMI, the Brazilian
Indymedia, was vital in covering the demonstrations and providing an outlet for
protesters’ demands and discourse. When the existing groups in several cities
decided to set up a national organization, the CMI played a major role in the
coordination of the groups, leading to the first Free Fare Movement gathering
during the 2005 World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, without any formal support
apparatus. (Coletivo Maria Tonha, 2013)
On the morning of January 29, defying the suffocating heat
beneath the white marquee tents of the Intergalactika Caracol youth camp within
the World Social Forum, dozens of young people began to form into a circle
convened by the Florianópolis MPL and the CMI. In all, about 250 activists from
sixteen different delegations from twenty states participated. The meeting
started in the morning, continued throughout the afternoon and concluded with
important collective agreements for the formation of a national movement. The
young activists, ranging from 15-25 years of age, took turns to talk with
almost everyone paying close attention and taking notes; a few wore Passe Livre
t-shirts and some wore the traditional red shirts of the Sem Terra.
Reflecting back on that first meeting, participants
emphasized the importance of the gathering, particularly its autonomous
character: “We were aware how it did not happen because of some deliberate
policy of a large organization or body, but as a specific need of the movement
— the need to set up a national coordination for the various struggles that had
already formed without any organization or more defined group behind them.”
(Pomar, 2005) From the beginning, activists realized that the movement had
strategic potential beyond just student demands. Transportation is one of the
central aspects of the reproduction of labor power and capital accumulation,
and represents “the first stage of the sale of labor power.” The MPL activists
recognized that their demands would impact “the proprietors of the means of
production and the circulation of commodities.” (Pomar, 2005)
With the formation of the federal Free Fare Movement, the
National Plenary approved a document proclaiming itself “autonomous,
independent and nonpartisan but not anti-partisan,” defining its strategic goal
as “the transformation of the current conception of urban public transport,
rejecting the commercial conception of transport and beginning the struggle for
free and decent public transport for the whole of society, outside the control
of the private sector.” (Movimento pelo Passe Livre, 2005) The movement’s
practice of direct action, horizontalism and anti-capitalism is outlined in
later documents.
According to Marcelo Pomar, the student movement opted for a
consensus process, rejecting bureaucratic entities and parties, with
resolutions “eventually agreed in the National Plenary.” Despite the enormous
challenges inherent in consensus-based decision-making processes, the activists
felt that it was the most appropriate mode of organization “given that these
were the first steps in the construction of such a movement.” (Pomar, 2005)
A new political culture
In this dynamic manner, the MPL was formed with a presence
in most major Brazilian cities, with the initiative maintained for the next
couple of years. However like almost all social movements in Brazil, the
organization entered into a period of reflux midway during the decade, before
returning in strength by the end of the decade. But to really understand a
movement one needs to look beyond the demonstrations and its public statements,
and go deeper into its interior world. What kind of relationships are
established between activists? How are meetings and gatherings carried out?
Basically, we need to explore the culture of the movement to understand its way
of seeing the world. In this sense, we will follow the evolution of the Free
Fare Movement through its major events and campaigns and explore what was
happening within the movement; in other words, to focus on the face-to-face
relationships in the everyday life of the movement.
Following its founding, the Free Fare Movement organized
several days of actions and held the Second National Meeting in July 2005 in
Campinas. During this three-day meeting, two small radical left parties,
Revolucionário Operário and a Construção Socialismo made attempts to reverse
the decisions agreed in Porto Alegre relating to horizontalism and autonomy. It
was a move seen by many as an attempt to co-opt the incipient movement and led
the assembly to reaffirm its positions on horizontalism and autonomy: “the
movement is constituted through a federation of groups” with a federal working
group but no coordination, which they believed would have introduced a
hierarchical structure into the movement. (Passe Livre, 2005a)
On October 26, the Free Fare Movement convened a day of
action commemorating the adoption of free fare for students in Florianópolis, a
date that became known as the Free Fare National Day of Struggle. The event was
held in thirteen cities including three demonstrations in São Paulo and
launched a national newspaper distributed in ten cities. The demonstrations
ranged from 100 to 500 people and in some cities demonstrators burned
turnstiles. (Passe Livre, 2005b) The following year, the Second National
Meeting was held 28-30 July at the MST Florestan Fernandes National School, in
São Paulo. It was an important gathering, consolidating the movement and a big
step forward in the strategy to demand free fare for the entire population, not
just students.
One hundred sixty activists from 13 collectives participated
in the gathering, formulating a federal structure based on the principles of
horizontalism, autonomy, independence and decision-making by consensus. They
agreed to set up working groups based around communication, organization and
legal support as well as a study group on transportation issues. Among the
attendees was the engineer Lúcio Gregori, Secretary of Transport in São Paulo
from 1990 to 1992 in the municipal administration of the then militant Worker’s
Party leader Luiza Erundina. Gregori held the view that transport should be a
public service and therefore free. He argued that from the moment a fare is
charged, a mechanism is established to divide those who can use it and those
who can not, and therefore, the imposition of a fare represents the
privatization of something that is common to all, public transport. He pointed
out that just as health and education are free public services, so too the
costs of transportation should be borne by those who benefit from the service,
“the ruling class which needs public transport for employees to get to the
workplace.” (Movimento Passe Livre, 2006)
Around this time, the movement went through some major
changes. At this early stage the MPL had already set up a federal movement
without any institutional support and set the tone of debate on transport
issues in society. Nevertheless, there was an ebb in the struggle, grassroots
groups in general were weak and some activists felt a sense of defeat because
they had not won their main demand. The movement’s active core began to debate
and consolidate a change in strategy from demanding “free fare” for students to
“zero fare” for all.
In Brasilia (population 2.5 million) the MPL established a
group numbering 40-80 people. After 2006, during a seven year period without
fare increases, that number fell to 8-20 activists. They engaged in three types
of activities: “direct actions on the street, raising awareness over issues of
public transport and urban mobility, with a focus on class, race and gender,
and lobbying the government for free fare and zero fare.” (Zibechi, 2013) These
small activist groups were comprised of highly dedicated young students who
took their activities very seriously, like holding a month-long activist
training camp in 2001, leading to the creation of very tight activist networks
with intense interior dynamics. (Duques, 2013:3)
During the formation of the Free Fare Movement in 2005, the
activists mapped the cities’ secondary schools and with careful preparation
held dozens of workshops. (Saraiva, 2010:68) The day-to-day work of each group
involved weekly or biweekly plenary meetings, various specialized work groups
and small, stable study groups, with almost daily contact between the core
activists. Some of the principle actions of the Free Fare Movement were street
performances with music, dance and theater, involving long hours of
preparation.
The point here is that autonomous activism requires a
greater level of dedication than is usually considered by observers like
members of political parties. Furthermore, everything must be done without any
institutional support so it relies heavily on collective work and creativity.
Strong bonds of trust and solidarity emerge in these collective groups, to the
extent that some activist groups could be considered living communities.
Activists will often share a house or live within the same neighborhood and
frequent the same social spaces, and this level of co-existence is a powerful
cohesive factor which blurs the line between friendship and militancy, creating
a climate of fraternity that is reaffirmed with the various regional or federal
gatherings. Needless to say, this militant lifestyle goes together with a
consistent ethic that does not separate words and action, the personal and the
collective, or decision-makers and activists. It is a way of doing things that
is counter to the hegemonic political culture, including the left parties.
During the period of reflux in 2006, “the movement entered
into a complex and often tense process of reflection, trying to understand
where they had “failed” in the fight against fares.” (Saraiva, 2010:70) Within
the São Paulo Free Fare Movement, for example, people felt that failing to curb
increases in 2006 and the lack of proposals on how to continue the struggle had
a significant internal impact: “The activists felt cheated, exhausted, several
people left and the movement entered a long period of restructuring.” (Legume
and Toledo, 2011 ) This period extended to 2010, and varied from region to
city.
The adoption of the “zero fare” strategy was just one policy
shift. Other strategic changes followed, from broadening its popular base to
intensifying its anti-capitalist character. Letting go of the “free fare”
slogan was also a way to go beyond the student movement and towards demands
that included the entire population. Taking on board technical advice from
militants such as the engineer Lúcio Gregori and the formation of study groups
allowed the Free Fare Movement to deepen their knowledge on transport and the
city, and to understand the political consequences of segregated cities in
spatial and racial terms. The movement began to place itself into the long
history of powerful struggles and revolts against fare increases from 1974 to
1981 in Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, the Baixada Flauminense, and the satellite cities
of Brasilia and Salvador. (Filgueiras, 1981, Ferreira, 2008) All of this
allowed the Free Fare Movement to become a point of reference in the debate on
transport and the “right to the city” concept which is the core of “zero fare.”
The MPL’s second shift in strategy to broaden its social
base had even deeper implications as it related to the class character of the
movement and, thus, the manner in how the oppressed feel oppression. In
Brasilia, “from 2007 to 2008, the MPL increased work in secondary schools and
neighborhoods on the peripheries,” explains the activist Paíque Duques Lima.
(Zibechi, 2013) In São Paulo, the MPL “saw the need to diversify their work
fronts, beginning work in some communities, especially in the south zone”, the
poorest part of the city. (Legume and Toledo, 2011) However, as they began
working in the urban peripheries they found a population already organized in
community associations, political parties, and NGOs resisting evictions caused
by real estate speculation and the 2014 World Cup. These were zones dealing
with local drug issues as well. As Paíque Duques from Brasilia noted, “the MPL
followed in the steps of the Comitês Populares de la Copa (Popular Committees
of the World Cup),” which at this point “had begun to gain leverage within
entire neighborhood struggles.” (Zibechi, 2013)
The strategy of working in the periphery communities changed
the profile of the movement. If organizing in the São Paulo peripheries lent
greater political legitimacy to the Free Fare Movement, in Brasilia there was a
real change within the movement in terms of class and race. If the initial
founders were predominantly young white people of middle and lower middle
class, after 2008, there was an influx of “youths from cities around Brasilia” (Guara,
Taguatinga, São Sebastião, Ceilandia and Samambaia) as well as poor families
and black people. (Saraiva, 2010:85) These were people who had been unable to
find “their” place in formal institutions, whether it be a leftist party, a
union organization or a student’s union.
The movement’s identity, from this perspective, is
positioned against a set of oppressions: class, gender, race, and though not
explicitly, age. In effect, the movement stands against all forms of
oppression, and through its practice seeks to avoid the traditional division of
labor by gender and skin color. Through its composition, the Free Fare Movement
begins to reflect a commitment to the poor, people of color, women and those
without access to transport and thus, access to the city. People of color,
(black, brown, mestizo) began joining the movement, recognizing in the Free
Fare Movement a similar struggle against discrimination, and also because the
core black activists within the MPL participated in the anti-racist movement.i
When Brazilian urban social movements began to reactivate in
2010, the MPL had already established itself as a national organization in the
major cities, with fluid links with other social movements and a voice in the
public debate on transport and urban reform. It had thousands of trained and
experienced activists who in five years of activism had organized hundreds of
street actions (from flyering to demonstrations of 10,000 people), occupations
of public buildings, occupations of bus terminals and road blockades, as well
as organizing their own communications media reaching hundreds of thousands of
Brazilians. Although still a relatively small movement, it was by no means
marginal, as evidenced by the participation of well-known personalities such as
the former mayor of São Paulo, Luiza Erundina, during the Zero Fare campaign
launch in 2011.ii
As the forms of action transcended the boundaries of the
movement, they were taken up by other similar groups and movements. Paíque
Duques reflects that “the formation of the MPL forged a culture of political
action that developed beyond their own struggle” because their organizational
experience influenced activists involved in other actions beyond public
transport (Duques, 2013:7). This new culture of struggle and organization took
place far from institutionalized groups or parties, in relatively autonomous
social spaces; spaces where hidden discourses flourish and dissident cultures
are forged, as noted by James C. Scott. By analyzing the relationship between social
space and hidden discourse, Scott emphasizes the dilution of the border between
theory and practice, present in groups such as the Free Fare Movement: “Like
popular culture, hidden discourse does not exist as pure thought; it exists
only insofar it is practiced, articulated, expressed and disseminated within
marginal social spaces.” (Scott, 2000:149)
However, the Free Fare Movement is not just an expression of
an alternative/rebellious youth culture and the cultures of the inhabitants of
the peripheries. It is “an organization with principles and strategic
perspectives”, as was made clear during the second gathering held in July 2005
in Campinas (De Moura, 2005). It is a movement formed, according to Duques, as
“a grouping of anti-capitalists with efficient mechanisms of resistance to
domination and bureaucratic or market co-optation.” (Duques, 2013:19) Various
distinct cultures come together in the melting pot of the organization, from
hip hop and popular culture to Brazil’s leading organization of resistance, the
Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra (Rural Landless Movement, MST). The MPL
also takes inspiration from the Zapatistas and other anti-globalization
movements. Although it has not yet been studied in detail, the impression is
that no one culture is hegemonic within the various groups that comprise the
MPL.
Policy and strategy comes from within the movement itself as
well, the product of the long debates and hands-on experience at the forefront
of the revolts in Salvador and Florianópolis. Leo Vinicius, an activist and
writer from the Florianópolis Free Fare Movement explains how leadership works
in the movement during times of upheaval:
When I talk of leadership I don’t mean command and
obedience, nor the manipulation of the masses. I’m talking about a group that
thinks, plans, discusses and studies the social issues surrounding the popular
revolt and the day-to-day issues of the uprising, in order to meet the needs of
the movement [ ... ] The best and most possible leadership in these cases is
the one that understands how to put autonomous practices created and produced
by the social mobilization into play. (Vinicius, 2005:60-61)
We are dealing then with grassroots groups that consist
of militant researchers or
activist-intellectuals who have the ability to organize and work with popular
sectors, to identify projects and strategies for constructing a social force
that promotes change from below. These are features that allow us to talk of a
new political culture in Brazil in the first decade of the century; a new
culture of struggle and organization, consolidated in small and medium-sized
groups that came into public visibility during the massive outburst on the
streets in June 2013.
Notes:
i. According to comments by Paíque Duques Lima interviewed
by author.
ii. In Brasilia alone, there were 200-300 people heavily
involved. The constant coming and going of people facilitated the spread of the
movements political culture to other sectors of society.
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