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| Achille Mbembe |
Achille Mbembe, Africa is a Country
In
these times of urgency, when weak and lazy minds would like us to oppose
“thought” to “direct action”; and when, precisely because of this propensity
for “thoughtless action”, everything is framed in the nihilistic terms of power
for the sake of power – in such times
what follows might mistakenly be construed as contemptuous.
And
yet, as new struggles unfold, hard questions have to be asked. They have to be
asked if, in an infernal cycle of repetition but no difference, one form of damaged
life is not simply to be replaced by another.
The
force of affect
Indeed
the ground is fast shifting and a huge storm seems to be building up on the
horizon. May 68? Soweto 76? Or something
entirely different?
The
winds blowing from our campuses can be felt afar, in a different idiom, in
those territories of abandonment where the violence of poverty and
demoralization having become the norm, many have nothing to lose and are now
more than ever willing to risk a fight. They simply can no longer wait, having
waited for too long now.
Out
there, from almost every corner of this vast land seems to stretch a chain of
young men and women rigid with tension.
As
tension slowly swells up, it becomes ever more important to hold on to the
things that truly matter.
A
new cultural temperament is gradually engulfing post-apartheid urban South
Africa. For the time being, it goes by the name “decolonization” – in truth a
psychic state more than a political project in the strict sense of the term.
Whatever
the case, everything seems to indicate that ours is a crucial moment in the
redefinition of what counts as “social protagonism” in this country.
Mobilizations over crucial matters such as access to health care, sanitation,
housing, clean water or electricity might still be conducted in the name of the
implicit promise inherent to the struggle years – that life after freedom will
be “better” for all.
But
fewer and fewer actually believe it. And as the belief in that promise fast
recedes, raw affect, raw emotions and raw feelings are harnessed and recycled
back into the political itself. In the process, new voices increasingly render
old ones inaudible, while anger, rage and eventually muted grief seem to be the
new markers of identity and agency.
Psychic
bonds – in particular bonds of pain and bonds of suffering – more than lived
material contradictions are becoming the real stuff of political
inter-subjectivity. “I am my pain” – how many times have I heard this statement
in the months since #RhodesMustFall emerged?
“I am my suffering” and this subjective experience is so incommensurable
that “unless you have gone through the same trial, you will never understand my
condition” – the fusion of self and suffering in this astonishing age of
solipsism and narcissism.
So
it is that the relative cultural hegemony the African National Congress (ANC)
exercised on black South African imagination during the years of the struggle
is fast waning. In the bloody miasma of the Zuma years, these years of
stagnation, rent-seeking and mediocrity parading as leadership, there is hardly
any center left standing as institutions after institutions crumble under the
weight of corruption, a predatory new black élite and the cynicism of former
oppressors.
In
the bloody miasma of the Zuma years, the discourse of black power,
self-affirmation and worldliness of the early 1990s is in danger of being
replaced by the discourse of fracture, injury and victimization – identity
politics and the resentment that always is its corollary.
Rainbowism
and its most important articles of faith – truth, reconciliation and
forgiveness – is fading. Reduced to a totemic commodity figure mostly destined
to assuage whites’ fears, Nelson Mandela himself is on trial. Some of the key
pillars of the 1994 dispensation – a
constitutional democracy, a market society, non-racialism – are also under
scrutiny. They are now perceived as disabling devices with no animating
potency, at least in the eyes of those who are determined to no longer wait. We
are past the time of promises. Now is the time to settle accounts.
But
how do we make sure that one noise machine is not simply replacing another?
Settling
Accounts
The
fact is this – nobody is saying nothing has changed. To say nothing has changed
would be akin to indulging in willful blindness.
Hyperboles
notwithstanding, South Africa today is not the “colony” Frantz Fanon is writing
about in his Wretched of the Earth.
If
we cannot find a proper name for what we are actually facing, then rather than
simply borrowing one from a different time,
we should keep searching.
What
we are hearing is that there have not been enough meaningful, decisive, radical
change, not only in terms of the life chances of the black poor, but – and this
is the novelty – in terms of the future prospects of the black middle class.
What
is being said is that twenty years after freedom, we have not disrupted enough
the structures that maintain and reproduce “white power and supremacy”; that
this is the reason why too many amongst us are trapped in a “bad life” that
keeps wearing them out and down; that this wearing out and down of black life
has been going on for too long and must now be brought to an end by all means
necessary (the right to violence?).
We
are being told that we have not radically overturned the particular sets of
interests that are produced and reproduced through white privilege in
institutions of public and private life – in law firms, in financial
institutions such as banking and insurance, in advertising and industry, in
terms of land redistribution, in media, universities, languages and culture in
general.
“Whiteness”,
“white power”, “white supremacy”, “white monopoly capital” is firmly back on
the political and cultural agenda and to be white in South Africa now is to
face a new-old kind of trial although with new judges – the so-called
“born-free”.
Politics
of impatience
But
behind whites trial looms a broader indictment of South African social and
political order.
South
Africa is fast approaching its Fanonian moment. A mass of structurally
disenfranchised people have the feeling of being treated as “foreigners” on
their own land. Convinced that the doors of opportunity are closing, they are
asking for firmer demarcations between “citizens” (those who belong) and
“foreigners” (those who must be excluded).
They are convinced that as the doors of opportunity keep closing, those who
won’t be able to “get in” right now might be left out for generations to come –
thus the social stampede, the rush to “get in” before it gets too late, the
willingness to risk a fight because waiting is no longer a viable option.
The
old politics of waiting is therefore gradually replaced by a new politics of
impatience and, if necessary, of disruption. Brashness, disruption and a new
anti-decorum ethos are meant to bring down the pretence of normality and the
logics of normalization in this most “abnormal” society. Steve Biko, Frantz Fanon and a plethora of
black feminist, queer, postcolonial, decolonial and critical race theorists are
being reloaded in the service of a new form of militancy less accommodationist
and more trenchant both in form and content.
The
age of impatience is an age when a lot is said – all sorts of things we had
hardly heard about during the last twenty years; some ugly, outrageous, toxic
things, including calls for murder, atrocious things that speak to everything
except to the project of freedom, in this age of fantasy and hysteria, when the
gap between psychic realities and actual material realities has never been so
wide, and the digital world only serves as an amplifier of every single moment,
event and accident.
The
age of urgency is also an age when new wounded bodies erupt and undertake to
actually occupy spaces they used to simply haunt. They are now piling up,
swearing and cursing, speaking with excrements, asking to be heard.
They
speak in allegories and analogies – the “colony”, the “plantation”, the “house
Negro”, the “field Negro”, blurring all boundaries, embracing confusion, mixing
times and spaces, at the risk of anachronism.
They
are claiming all kinds of rights – the right to violence; the right to disrupt
and jam that which is parading as normal; the right to insult, intimidate and
bully those who do not agree with them; the right to be angry, enraged; the
right to go to war in the hope of recovering what was lost through conquest;
the right to hate, to wreak vengeance, to smash something, it doesn’t matter
what, as long as it looks “white”.
All
these new “rights” are supposed to achieve one thing we are told the 1994
“peaceful settlement” did not achieve – decolonization and retributive justice,
the only way to restore a modicum of
dignity to victims of the injuries of yesterday and today.
Demythologizing
whiteness
And
yet, some hard questions must be asked.
Why
are we invested in turning whiteness, pain and suffering into such erotogenic
objects?
Could
it be that the concentration of our libido on whiteness, pain and suffering is
after all typical of the narcissistic investments so privileged by this
neoliberal age?
To
frame the issues in these terms does not mean embracing a position of moral
relativism. How could it be? After all, in relation to our history, too many
lives were destroyed in the name of whiteness. Furthermore, the structural
repetition of past sufferings in the present is beyond any reasonable doubt. Whiteness as a necrophiliac power structure
and a primary shaper of a global system of unequal redistribution of life
chances will not die a natural death.
But
to properly engineer its death – and thus the end of the nightmare it has been
for a large portion of the humanity – we urgently need to demythologize it.
If
we fail to properly demythologize whiteness, whiteness – as the machine in
which a huge portion of the humanity has become entangled in spite of itself –
will end up claiming us.
As
a result of whiteness having claimed us; as a result of having let ourselves be
possessed by it in the manner of an evil spirit, we will inflict upon ourselves
injuries of which whiteness, at its most ferocious, would scarcely have been
capable.
Indeed
for whiteness to properly operate as the destructive force it is in the
material sphere, it needs to capture its victim’s imagination and turn it into
a poison well of hatred.
For
victims of white racism to hold on to the things that truly matter, they must
incessantly fight against the kind of hatred which never fails to destroy, in
the first instance, the man or woman who hates while leaving the structure of
whiteness itself intact.
As
a poisonous fiction that passes for a fact, whiteness seeks to institutionalize
itself as an event by any means necessary. This it does by colonizing the
entire realms of desire and of the imagination.
To
demythologize whiteness, it will not be enough to force “bad whites” into
silence or into confessing guilt and/or complicity. This is too cheap.
To
puncture and deflate the fictions of whiteness will require an entirely
different regime of desire, new approaches in the constitution of material,
aesthetic and symbolic capital, another discourse on value, on what matters and
why.
The
demythologization of whiteness also requires that we develop a more complex
understanding of South African versions of whiteness here and now.
This
is the only country on Earth in which a revolution took place which resulted in
not one single former oppressor losing anything. In order to keep its
privileges intact in the post-1994 era, South African whiteness has sought to intensify
its capacity to invest in what we should call the resources of the
offshore. It has attempted to fence
itself off, to re-maximize its privileges through self-enclaving and the logics
of privatization. These logics of
offshoring and self-enclaving are typical of this neoliberal age.
The
unfolding new/old trial of whiteness won’t produce much if whites are forced
into a position in which the only thing they are ever allowed to say in our
public sphere is: “Look, I am so sorry”.
It
won’t produce much if through our actions and modes of thinking, we end up
forcing back into the white ghetto those whites who have spent most of their
lives trying to fight against the dominant versions of whiteness we so abhor.
Furthermore,
we must take seriously the fact that “to be black” in South Africa now is not
exactly the same as “to be black” in Europe or in the Americas.
After
all, we are the majority here. Of course to be a majority is a bit more than
the simple expression of numbers. But surely something has to be made out of
this sheer weight of numbers. We can use this numerical force to create
different dominant standards by which our society live; paradigms of what truly
matters and why; entirely new social forms; new imaginaries of interior life
and the life of the mind.
We
are also in control of arguably the most powerful State on the African
Continent. This is a State that wields enormous financial and economic power.
In theory, not much prevents it from redirecting the flows of wealth in its
hands in entirely new trajectories. As it has been done in places such as
Malaysia or Singapore, something has to be made out of this sheer amount of
wealth – something more creative and more decisive than our hapless “black
economic empowerment” schemes the main function of which is to sustain the
lifestyles of the new élite.
The
neurotic misery of our age
Finally,
it is crucial for us to understand that we are a bit more than just “suffering
subjects”. “Social death” is not the defining feature of our history. The fact
is that we are still here – of course at a very high price and most likely in a
terrible state, but we are here.
We
are here – and hopefully we will be here for a very long time – not as anybody
else’s creation, but as our own-creation.
To
demythologize whiteness is to dry up the mythic, symbolic and immaterial
resources without which it can no longer dabble in self-righteousness or in the
morbid delight with which, as James Baldwin put it, it contemplates “the extent
and power of its own wickedness.” It is to not be put in a position in which we
die hating somebody else.
On
the other hand, politicizing pain is not the same thing as advocating dolorism.
In fact, it must be galling to put ourselves in a position such that those who
look at us cannot but pity us victims.
One
way of destroying white racism is to prevent whiteness from becoming a deep
fantasmatic object of our unconscious.
We
need to let go off our libidinal investments in whiteness if we are to squarely
confront the dilemmas of white privilege. Baldwin understood this better than
any other thinker. “In order really to hate white people”, he wrote, “one has
to blot so much out of the mind – and the heart – that this hatred itself
becomes an exhausting and self-destructive pose” (Notes of a Native Son, 112).
This
is what we have to find out for ourselves – in a black majority country in
which blacks are in power, what is the cost of our attachment to whiteness,
this mirror object of our fear and our envy, our hate and our attraction, our
repulsion and our aspirations?
Part
of what racism has always tried to do is to damage its victims’ capacity to
help themselves. For instance, racism has encouraged its victims to perceive
themselves as powerless, that is, as victims even when they were actively
engaged in myriad acts of self-assertion.
Ironically
among the emerging black middle class, current narratives of selfhood and identity
are saturated by the tropes of pain and suffering. The latter have become the
register through which many now represent themselves to themselves and to the
world. To give account of who they are, or to explain themselves and their
behavior to others, they increasingly tend to frame their life stories in terms
of how much they have been injured by the forces of racism, bigotry and
patriarchy.
Often
under the pretext that the personal is political, this type of autobiographical
and at times self-indulgent “petit bourgeois” discourse has replaced structural
analysis. Personal feelings now suffice. There is no need to mount a proper
argument. Not only wounds and injuries
can’t they be shared, their interpretation
cannot be challenged by any known rational discourse. Why? Because, it
is alleged, black experience transcends human vocabulary to the point where it
cannot be named.
This
kind of argument is dangerous.
The
self is made at the point of encounter with an Other. There is no self that is
limited to itself.
The
Other is our origin by definition.
What
makes us human is our capacity to share our condition – including our wounds
and injuries – with others.
Anticipatory
politics – as opposed to retrospective politics – is about reaching out to
others. It is never about self-enclosure.
The
best of black radical thought has been about how we make sure that in the work
of repair, certain compensations do not become pathological phenomena.
It
has been about nurturing the capacity to resume a human life in the aftermath
of irreparable loss.
Invoking
Frantz Fanon, Steve Biko and countless others will come to nothing if this
ethics of becoming-with-others is not the cornerstone of the new cycle of
struggles.
There
will be no plausible critique of whiteness, white privilege, white monopoly
capitalism that does not start from the assumption that whiteness has become
this accursed part of ourselves we are deeply attached to, in spite of it
threatening our own very future well-being.
