Jonis Ghedi Alasow, The Daily Maverick
On Friday 28 August the Black Student Movement (BSM) at the institution still known as Rhodes University reached a watershed moment in its short history. University management called armed police officers – with dog units – to confront students who wished to address the University senate on accommodation during the short vacations. There was an overwhelming sense of fierceness among the police, dog units and university campus protection.
On Friday 28 August the Black Student Movement (BSM) at the institution still known as Rhodes University reached a watershed moment in its short history. University management called armed police officers – with dog units – to confront students who wished to address the University senate on accommodation during the short vacations. There was an overwhelming sense of fierceness among the police, dog units and university campus protection.
Students are angry, and
rightly so. What drives a university to treat its most vulnerable students in
this manner? Who is permitted to shape and access our institutions of tertiary
learning? Who is legitimately there and who should just be ‘grateful’ for the
opportunity to be ‘educated’ there?
At the institution known
as Rhodes there is an implicit assumption that the white middle class acts as
the custodian of the university while black people, poor and working class
people, queer people, etc, are tolerated as guests. The BSM has been
continuously challenging this assumption. At the heart of the BSM’s outlook is
an insistence that the university must locate itself in the realities of
contemporary South Africa; that the student imagined by the institution must be
the (South) African student. This has translated to – amongst other things – a
rejection of the colonial name, the Eurocentric curriculum and the financial
exclusion of students from residences during short vacations.
Because the goals of the
BSM are rooted in an ethical imperative they have been widely accepted. Its detractors
have, however, been very concerned with the ‘way of doing things’. From the
naming of the movement to the use of public protests and occupations, the
custodians of the status quo have insisted “there is no need to disrupt
anything if you wish to be heard”. In short: there is a ‘right’ way of doing
things and the BSM is not expressing itself appropriately.
This liberal conception
of politics assumes, at its heart, that all voices are heard equally. It
assumes that those who exist in the peripheries of this institution – and our
society – can simply get together, sign a petition and have their grievances
addressed. This idea of politics imposes a ‘methodology’ of participation. It
assumes that those who are protesting are asking to be integrated into the
system that currently excludes them. This is not the mandate of the BSM.
During a meeting last
week the vice-chancellor invoked Steve Biko’s Black Consciousness to absolve
the administration from its responsibilities. He argued that students ought to exercise
their own agency to deal with the problems they face. This response led to the
BSM’s ongoing occupation of strategic university spaces. The vice-chancellor,
who has in many instances acted as a foil to Biko rather than an advocate of
his ideas, was invoking the ideas of an emancipatory theorist to stifle a
movement for emancipation.
Biko, Frantz Fanon, Audre
Lorde, bell hooks and Malcolm X have been some of the central figures in the
proliferation of student movements throughout 2015. These thinkers and
activists all advocate for an emancipatory politics; a politics of actively
creating a better world. They provide us with some tools for challenging the
status quo and creating an alternative society which is not exclusionary. They
emphasise the value of disruption and emotion in bringing about change. Their
ideas are suitable for a movement. Invoking these thinkers and their ideas with
the intention of maintaining the status quo or postponing emancipatory action
constitutes a tragic bastardisation.
It is actional politics
which informs the Black Student Movement. The movement is concerned with
actually going somewhere. In fact, the movement positions itself as
diametrically opposed to the passively liberal politics which is rife in
formerly white universities across the country; the politics which stifles true
liberation from our colonial shackles via appeals to the ‘right way of doing
things’. We are mindful that 20 years of working ‘through the correct channels’
has failed to change our universities. At the university currently known as
Rhodes it is clear that, in fact, the official structures function, including
those putatively dedicated to ‘transformation’, to reinscribe white domination.
The BSM is not interested
in the ‘right’ way of doing things. The ‘right way of doing things’ is only
useful for people who wish to integrate those on the peripheries into the
centre. It is of no use to those who wish to eradicate the very categories of ‘periphery’
and ‘centre’. Most fundamentally: a movement which seeks to move society away
from an oppressive status quo and towards an emancipated future, cannot adopt
the liberal ‘methodology’ of participation in oppressive structures. Lorde
poetically pointed out that “the master’s tools will never dismantle the
master’s house”. The moment the custodians of the status quo approve of the
BSM’s way of doing things it will be perpetuating that which it seeks to
resist.
The BSM must continue
occupying, protesting and disrupting. It must challenge the status quo – and
its custodians. The means to attain the South Africa of tomorrow cannot rely on
the approval of the beneficiaries of the South Africa of today.