Showing posts with label Colonialism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Colonialism. Show all posts
Monday, 11 August 2014
Friday, 25 July 2014
Poetry for Palestine
Nine Butler, The Con
The street is empty
as a monk’s memory,
and faces explode in the flames
like acorns –
and the dead crowd the horizon
and doorways.
No vein can bleed
more than it already has,
no scream will rise
higher than it has already risen.
We will not leave!
-
Exodus, Taha Muhammad Ali
Wednesday, 23 July 2014
Gaza: Words and Weapons
Richard Pithouse, The Con
Words are
the raw materials for building a house. Words are a country.
- Mahmoud Darwish, Absent Presence
In The Jerusalem Post,
articles on Gaza report that Israeli “soldiers” have engaged Palestinian
“terrorists” in battle. In our colonial historiography, “soldiers” were often
reported to have fought “warriors”. In the 1980s, “soldiers” were reported,
much like in Israel today, to have been deployed against “terrorists”. Today,
as state murder is increasingly normalised as an acceptable tool of social
control in our deeply compromised democracy, the police are, we are often told,
at war with “criminals”.
Monday, 14 July 2014
Land-grabber Rhodes still honoured all over SA
Adekeye Adebajo, Business Day
THIS year marks the 110th
anniversary of the founding of Rhodes University, which was created with Cecil
Rhodes’s wealth and named after him.
It is also the 86th
anniversary of the University of Cape Town’s (UCT) relocation to Rhodes’
estate, which he bequeathed to it. Both universities continue to grapple with
transformation, even as they largely ignore these lingering historical
connections. While many symbols of Afrikaner supremacy have been removed, the
legacy of the greatest symbol of British imperialism — Rhodes — remains
surprisingly uncontested.
Tuesday, 1 July 2014
Thursday, 6 February 2014
Wednesday, 14 August 2013
Monday, 29 July 2013
Monday, 10 June 2013
Pilloried as a 'conchie' after serving in Kenya, I now feel vindicated
I doubt if all the secrets of the Kikuyu uprising will ever
be known. Young soldiers were brainwashed into believing they were fighting in
Kenya for our glorious empire. Sixty years ago I was there as a 19-year-old
national service officer. I am delighted that the government has given some
token compensation for Kenyans who suffered torture (Britain's brutal past
exposed, 6 June). I still suffer from memories of the British apartheid system
there and numerous instances of arbitrary killing and brutality by British
forces, Kenya police and Kenyan African Rifles. In reality we protected
land-grabbing British farmers and enriched UK companies.
Thursday, 9 May 2013
The sun is at last setting on Britain's imperial myth
by Pankaj Mishra, The Guardian
Scuttling away from India in 1947, after plunging the jewel
in the crown into a catastrophic partition, "the British", the
novelist Paul Scott famously wrote, "came to the end of themselves as they
were". The legacy of British rule, and the manner of their departures –
civil wars and impoverished nation states locked expensively into antagonism,
whether in the Middle East, Africa or the Malay Peninsula – was clearer by the
time Scott completed his Raj Quartet in the early 1970s. No more, he believed,
could the British allow themselves any soothing illusions about the basis and
consequences of their power.
Thursday, 10 January 2013
Thursday, 22 November 2012
Counter Power and Colonial Rule in the Eighteenth Century Cape of Good Hope: Belongings and Protest of the Labouring Poor.
by Nicole Ulrich, 2011
Framed
by an anarchist reading of Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker’s The
Many
Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners and the Hidden History of
the
Revolutionary
Atlantic (2000), this study examines the dynamic nature of colonial
and
class
rule in the eighteenth-century Cape of Good Hope in southern Africa,
and the
forms
of belonging and traditions of political protest developed by the
labouring poor.
This
study draws on archival material from national and international
repositories,
focusing
on government records, criminal court trials, and travellers’
accounts.
Colonial
rule, the under-class, and resistance in the Cape are located in a
global
context,
with special attention being paid to changes associated with the ‘Age
of
Revolution
and War’ and rise of the modern world. Breaking with the tendency
to
treat
different sections of the motley (many-hued) labouring poor in the
Cape as
discreet,
often racially defined, and nationally bounded population groups,
segmented
also
by legal status, this study provides a comprehensive study of labour
in the Cape
that
includes an examination of slaves, servants, sailors, and soldiers
recruited, or
imported
from, Asia, Europe, and other parts of Africa.
Wednesday, 21 November 2012
‘Crafting epicentres of agency’: Sarah Bartmann and African feminist literary imaginings
by Pumla Dineo Gqola, 2008
Abstract. ‘Crafting epicentres of agency’: Sarah Bartmann
and African
feminist literary imaginings. The story of Sarah Bartmann
has been one of
the fascinations of academic writing on ‘race’, feminism and
poststructuralism in the late twentieth and early twentieth-first century. An
enslaved Khoi woman, she was transported to Europe where she was displayed for the amusement, and later scientific inquisitiveness of
various public and private collectives in London and Paris. Her paradoxical
hypervisibility has meant that although volumes have been written about her,
very little is recoverable from these records about her subjectivity. In this
paper I am less interested in tracing and engaging with some of the debates
engendered by this paradox and difficulty more broadly. Rather, I want to read
and analyse how African feminist literary projects have approached
Bartmann’s absent presence. My paper then tasks itself with exploring the
possibility of writing about Sarah Bartmann in ways unlike those traditions of
knowledge-making that dubbed her ‘the Hottentot Venus’. It analyzes a variety of
texts that position themselves in relation to her as a way of arriving at an
African feminist creative and literary engagement with histories which fix
representations of African women’s bodies, via Bartmann in colonialist
epistemes.
Wednesday, 10 October 2012
John Locke: The Philosopher of Primitive Accumlation
by George Caffentzis, Bristol Radical History Group, 2008
John Locke is the most famous philosopher born and raised in the vicinity of Bristol. He born in Wrington, Somerset about 12 miles from Bristol on August 29, 1632 and he was brought up in the market town of Pensford, about seven miles south of Bristol.
Locke is also not only the main intellectual founder of liberalism, but also of neoliberalism, the “ruling idea” of the ruling class of today.
John Locke is the most famous philosopher born and raised in the vicinity of Bristol. He born in Wrington, Somerset about 12 miles from Bristol on August 29, 1632 and he was brought up in the market town of Pensford, about seven miles south of Bristol.
Locke is also not only the main intellectual founder of liberalism, but also of neoliberalism, the “ruling idea” of the ruling class of today.
Saturday, 15 September 2012
What is a tribe?
by Mahmood Mamdani, London Review of Books
A new form of colonialism was born in the second half of the
19th century, largely in response to the Indian Mutiny of 1857. Of its many
theorists by far the most influential was Henry Maine, a brilliant historian of
jurisprudence, barrister, journalist, colonial civil servant and eventually
master of Trinity Hall, Cambridge. Maine made an eloquent case for the
historicity and agency of the colonised, as part of an attempt to reconstitute
the colonial project on a more durable basis. In doing so, he distinguished the
West from the non-West, universal civilisation from local custom and,
crucially, the settler from the native, thereby laying the groundwork for a
theory of nativism. If the settler was modern, the native was not; if the
settler was defined by history, the native was defined by geography; if modern
polities were defined by legislation and sanction, those of the native were
defined by habitual observance.
Sunday, 19 August 2012
Monday, 13 August 2012
The Prose of Counter-Insurgency
by Ranajit Guha, 1983
When a peasant rose in revolt at any time or place under the Raj, he did so necessarily and explicitly in violation of a series of codes which defined his very existence as a member of that colonial, and still largely semi-feudal society. For his subalternity was materialized by the structure of property, institutionalized by law, sanctified by religion and made tolerable-and even desirable-by tradition. To rebel was indeed to destroy many of those familiar signs which he had learned to read and manipulate in order to extract a meaning out of the harsh world around him and live with it. The risk in 'turning things upside down' under these conditions was indeed so great that he could hardly afford to engage in such a project in a state of
absent-rnindedness.
When a peasant rose in revolt at any time or place under the Raj, he did so necessarily and explicitly in violation of a series of codes which defined his very existence as a member of that colonial, and still largely semi-feudal society. For his subalternity was materialized by the structure of property, institutionalized by law, sanctified by religion and made tolerable-and even desirable-by tradition. To rebel was indeed to destroy many of those familiar signs which he had learned to read and manipulate in order to extract a meaning out of the harsh world around him and live with it. The risk in 'turning things upside down' under these conditions was indeed so great that he could hardly afford to engage in such a project in a state of
absent-rnindedness.
Sunday, 1 July 2012
Thursday, 28 June 2012
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