In early spring 1994, I paid a visit to Los Angeles, where I was greeted in the airport at the arrival gate - that was still possible in those days - by my friend Mina Choi, who was a former babysitter to my eldest son when I was in graduate school. Having completed her studies at Yale, Mina was pursuing her writing career in Los Angeles. We embraced each other in a hearty hello, a mundane act expected of good friends, which, however, led to a halt and uncomfortable silence among our fellow travelers, their family and friends. Such was the response to a meeting of Northeast Asia and African America nearly two years after the 1992 Riots/Uprisings.[1] Although Rodney King famously pleaded, "Can we all get along?" there clearly continued to be much doubt.
Showing posts with label Riots. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Riots. Show all posts
Tuesday, 17 May 2016
Monday, 25 August 2014
What happens in Ferguson does not stay in Ferguson
Jerome Roos, ROAR Magazine
Last week, the Governor
of Missouri declared a state of emergency and deployed the National Guard to
the St Louis suburb of Ferguson to quell a fortnight of civil unrest following
the police murder of the unarmed black teenager Michael Brown. It was the first
time since the Los Angeles riots of 1992, after the severe police beating of
another black man, Rodney King, and the Battle of Seattle during the WTO trade
negotiations seven years later, that the army had been called in to restore
public order within US borders.
Friday, 1 February 2013
The riotous underbelly of the new normal
by Richard Pithouse, The Daily Maverick
The new normal that we are being asked to accept after Mangaung has won consent in some quarters by replacing a demagogic populist with an oligarch and putting an end to the discussion about nationalisation. Its basic logic – crony capitalism greased with corruption, wrapped in an escalating conflation of both the nation and the state with the ruling party and defended with growing authoritarianism – can work well enough for capital. In fact international capital often finds authoritarian states to be its most attractive destinations for investment. And it’s not unusual for the middle classes to be quite comfortable with forms of authoritarianism that restrict the basic democratic rights of the popular classes in defence of the domination of society by an alliance between business and political elites – after all, just look at how many South Africans think Dubai is a great place to live.
Here we
are, almost 20 years after Apartheid and, from the prisons to the
shack settlements and the farms, the riotous underbelly of our
society is on television most nights. We’re not even a full month
into the year and it’s been reported that the police have killed
another protester in the Boland and, depending on which newspaper you
read, three, four or six people in Zamdela in Sasolburg.
The new normal that we are being asked to accept after Mangaung has won consent in some quarters by replacing a demagogic populist with an oligarch and putting an end to the discussion about nationalisation. Its basic logic – crony capitalism greased with corruption, wrapped in an escalating conflation of both the nation and the state with the ruling party and defended with growing authoritarianism – can work well enough for capital. In fact international capital often finds authoritarian states to be its most attractive destinations for investment. And it’s not unusual for the middle classes to be quite comfortable with forms of authoritarianism that restrict the basic democratic rights of the popular classes in defence of the domination of society by an alliance between business and political elites – after all, just look at how many South Africans think Dubai is a great place to live.
Wednesday, 14 November 2012
Thursday, 11 October 2012
Cato Manor, June 1959: Men, Women, Crowds, Politics and History
by Iain Edwards
The militant crowd challenging existing social order is no novelty in Durban. Crowds have often been responsible for forceful interventions in city politics.
The militant crowd challenging existing social order is no novelty in Durban. Crowds have often been responsible for forceful interventions in city politics.
Monday, 24 September 2012
Jasper Bernes and Joshua Clover on The Rebirth of History: Times of Riots and Uprisings
History and the Sphinx: Of Riots and Uprisings
The Los Angeles Review of Books, September 24th, 2012
1.
Riots are the Sphinx of the left. Every soi disant radical intellectual feels compelled, it seems, to answer the riddle they hear posed by the riots of the present, in Bahrain or Asturias, Chile or Britain: Why now? Why here? Why riot? These answers generally come in a few simple varieties. First, if the riot seems to lack focus or present clears demands – that is, if it is illegible as “protest,” as in the case of the London riots of summer 2011 – the intellectual will paint them as a “meaningless outburst” (Slavoj Žižek), undertaken by “mindless rioters” (David Harvey). Invariably, attributions of unmeaning must find support in patronizing sociology, rendering the rioters mere side-effects of an unequal society, symptoms of neoliberalism, capitalist crisis and the ensuing austerity.Friday, 22 June 2012
The Rebirth of History: Times of Riots & Uprisings
What is going on? Of what are we the half-fascinated,
half-devastated witnesses? The continuation, at all costs, of a weary world? A
salutary crisis of that world, racked by its victorious expansion? The end of
that world? The advent of a different world? What is happening to us in the early
years of the century - something that would appear not to have any clear name
in any accepted language?
Let us consult our masters: discreet bankers; media stars;
hesitant representatives of major commissions ; spokesmen of the '
international community ' ; busy presidents; new philosophers; factory and
estate owners; stock market men and boards of directors; chattering opposition
politicos; urban and provincial notables; economists of growth; sociologists of
citizenship; experts on all sorts of crises; prophets of the 'clash of
civilizations'; heads of the police, justice and 'penitentiary' systems; profit
assessors; productivity calculators; the prim editorialists of serious
newspapers; human resources directors; people who in their own view are of some
account; people one would do well not to take for nobodies . What have they got
to say about it, all these rulers, all these opinion-formers, all these
leaders, all these thimble-rigging tyrants?
Sunday, 13 May 2012
Wednesday, 9 May 2012
Learning from urban revolt
by Yousuf Al-Bulushi, 2012
This paper brings into conversation two texts that were written 40 years apart—Society of the Spectacle in 1967 and The Coming Insurrection in 2007—and yet share great lines of continuity. Both texts are situated within their economic, cultural and political conjunctures in order to ground their theoretical contributions. The paper emphasizes the important influence that urban rebellions in Watts and the Parisian banlieues had upon both texts, and in so doing, highlights the over-looked debt these theoretical projects owe to marginalized and racialized populations in struggle. Henri Lefebvre’s theory of autogestion is developed as a mediator between the two books, and as a way to engage their theories through the eyes of a more obviously spatial and Marxist thinker.
This paper brings into conversation two texts that were written 40 years apart—Society of the Spectacle in 1967 and The Coming Insurrection in 2007—and yet share great lines of continuity. Both texts are situated within their economic, cultural and political conjunctures in order to ground their theoretical contributions. The paper emphasizes the important influence that urban rebellions in Watts and the Parisian banlieues had upon both texts, and in so doing, highlights the over-looked debt these theoretical projects owe to marginalized and racialized populations in struggle. Henri Lefebvre’s theory of autogestion is developed as a mediator between the two books, and as a way to engage their theories through the eyes of a more obviously spatial and Marxist thinker.
Tuesday, 1 May 2012
The LA rebellion, 20 years later
by Nigel C. Gibson
Paper
presented at the conference on 'The LA Riots, Twenty Years Later',
Harvard, April 2012, Published at Truthout
1. Letter From a Friend
I asked a friend who lives in South Central to send me his thoughts about Los Angeles 20 years after the rebellion. The following is part of what he had to say:
Twenty years after the L.A. rebellion finds most of the Black community in a state of shock because conditions are not better and the conditions which created the rebellion have only become more invisible to the outside world. The strait jacket of economics confines us all. The rock bottom conditions of poverty are suffocating the voice of protest in South Central L.A. Even the name South Central was changed to South L.A. by the politicians in an attempt to forget in their view the "negative" impact of the revolt.
Friday, 21 October 2011
Riots as Political Action
by Benjamin Fogel
Black people gotta lot a problems
But they don't mind throwing a brick
White people go to school
Where they teach you how to be thick
But they don't mind throwing a brick
White people go to school
Where they teach you how to be thick
An' everybody's doing
Just what they're told to
An' nobody wants
To go to jail!
White riot - I wanna riot
White riot - a riot of my own
White riot - I wanna riot
White riot - a riot of my own
All the power's in the hands
Of people rich enough to buy it
While we walk the street
Too chicken to even try it “
Just what they're told to
An' nobody wants
To go to jail!
White riot - I wanna riot
White riot - a riot of my own
White riot - I wanna riot
White riot - a riot of my own
All the power's in the hands
Of people rich enough to buy it
While we walk the street
Too chicken to even try it “
The Clash, White Riot
Saturday, 15 October 2011
Alain Badiou on Tunisia, riots & revolution
by Jonathan Collerson, Wrong + Arithmetic
N.B. This is a rough translation of Daniel Fischer’s transcription of the 19 January 2011 session of Alain Badiou’s seminar What does “change the world” mean?. It is not something Badiou has written out. Nevertheless, it gets across his, apparently, impromptu comments on Tunisia, riots and revolution. It appears that Badiou correctly places the riot at the gateway of revolution and, in calling Tunisia “the weakest link” (Lenin re. Russia 1917), correctly notes the beginning of massive change in the Middle East. Daniel Fischer’s excellent notes are great resource on Badiou’s developing thought.
Sunday, 28 August 2011
Flashmob Hysteria
The character of our present moment is undeniable, and the tangled web of causes and consequences is the same from London to Cairo to Santiago: budget cuts in the name of “austerity,” rising unemployment, increasing popular resistance, and an upsurge in racist violence and policing measures like “stop-and-frisk.” The failure of an economic system in the short and long term has generated an entire class of undesirables, living proof of that failure who must be contained, controlled, and silenced.
Tuesday, 23 August 2011
Daily Humiliation
'Daily Humiliation' is from Alain Badiou's Polemics, first published in Le Monde following the riots in Parisian banlieues and throughout France in November 2005 - from Verso.
'Constant identity checks and questioning by police.' Of all the complaints made by the youth of this country in revolt, the omnipresence of police checks and being arrested in their everyday lives, this harassment without respite, is the most constant, the most widely shared. Do we really realize what this grievance means? The dose of humiliation and violence it implies?
Monday, 22 August 2011
London Calling: Fanon, Spontaneity and the English insurrections
Every time a man has contributed to the victory of the spirit, every time a man says no to an attempt to subjugate his fellows, I have felt solidarity with his act … Yes to life. Yes to love. Yes to generosity … No to the contempt … No to degradation… No to exploitation … No to the butchery of what is most human … freedom.
Fanon
Thursday, 18 August 2011
Silence the Criminal
by Simone Arielle Levy
Fifty years later, Frantz Fanon, the Martinican revolutionary who inspired Steve Biko, lives on. His writings, and the conversations that they continue to inspire, reach beyond skin colour into the deeper politics of the human mind in Fanon's questioning of what it is to be human. In ‘Black Skin, White Masks’, Fanon looks at what he calls the cognitive dissonance that emerges when people are presented with new evidence that contradicts their core beliefs. Fanon says that “because it is so important to protect the core belief, they will rationalize, ignore and even deny anything that doesn't fit in with the core belief."
Saturday, 13 August 2011
Planet of Slums, Age of Riots
by George Ciccariello-Maher, CounterPunch
Tottenham, Chile, Tunis…
There are too many to count
Oakland, Brixton, Taybat al-Imam…
Monday, 1 August 2011
The London Hanged: Crime And Civil Society In The Eighteenth Century
Peter Linebaugh’s groundbreaking
history has become an inescapable part of any understanding of the rise
of capitalism. In eighteenth-century London the spectacle of a hanging
was not simply a form of punishing transgressors.
Rather it evidently served the most sinister purpose—for a prvileged ruling class—of forcing the poor population of London to accept the criminalization of customary rights and the new forms of private property. Necessity drove the city's poor into inevitable conflict with the changing property laws, such that all the working-class men and women of London had good reason to fear the example of Tyburn's Triple Tree.
Rather it evidently served the most sinister purpose—for a prvileged ruling class—of forcing the poor population of London to accept the criminalization of customary rights and the new forms of private property. Necessity drove the city's poor into inevitable conflict with the changing property laws, such that all the working-class men and women of London had good reason to fear the example of Tyburn's Triple Tree.
The Crowd in History: A Study of Popular Disturbances in France And England, 1730-1848
'He put the mind back into history and restored the dignity of man.' --A J P Taylor
'It may seem incredible that nobody tried before to discover what sort of people actually stormed the Bastille, but Rude was the first to have done so....Like all his work, this book is concentrated, simple and clear, and admirably suited to the non-specialist reader.' --Eric Hobsbawm, New York Review of Books
George Rudé was a prolific researcher and writer. Although he began his academic career at the age of fifty, he wrote some 15 books and edited several others. He was one of the leading practitioners of ‘history from below’ and his work influenced an entire generation of historians of the French Revolution.
'It may seem incredible that nobody tried before to discover what sort of people actually stormed the Bastille, but Rude was the first to have done so....Like all his work, this book is concentrated, simple and clear, and admirably suited to the non-specialist reader.' --Eric Hobsbawm, New York Review of Books
George Rudé was a prolific researcher and writer. Although he began his academic career at the age of fifty, he wrote some 15 books and edited several others. He was one of the leading practitioners of ‘history from below’ and his work influenced an entire generation of historians of the French Revolution.
Wednesday, 27 July 2011
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