by Ranajit Guha
This classic work in subaltern studies explores the common elements
present in rebel consciousness during the Indian colonial period.
Ranajit Guha—intellectual founder of the groundbreaking and influential
Subaltern Studies Group—describes from the peasants’ viewpoint the
relations of dominance and subordination in rural India from 1783 to
1900.
Challenging the idea that peasants were powerless agents who
rebelled blindly against British imperialist oppression and local
landlord exploitation, Guha emphasizes their awareness and will to
effect political change. He suggests that the rebellions represented the
birth of a theoretical consciousness and asserts that India’s long
subaltern tradition lent power to the landmark insurgence led by Mahatma
Gandhi. Yet as long as landlord authority remains dominant in a ruling
culture, Guha claims, all mass struggles will tend to model themselves
after the unfinished projects documented in this book.
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Ranajit Guha: Explanations and Reviews
Ranajit Guha's Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India
was published in 1983 and along with the Subaltern Studies series,
brought together an alternative set of tools for transcribing the
historical record. Guha's thesis is that the Indian peasantry are not
only makers in their own insurgency but had a keen political
consciousness independent of the dominant British hegemony.
According
to Guha, six core elements have historically constituted peasant
insurgent movements in India and they are reflective of the ways that
the peasants struggled against their subordination. One chapter is
devoted to each of these themes as follows: 1) Negation,
where the peasantry rejected the identity of subalterneity that was
imposed upon him by other classes, castes or official standing; 2) Ambiguity,
whereby a peasant ambivalently engaged in criminal behaviour which
serves an "inversive function," a way of turning the tables on society,
as a common form of insurgency; 3) Modality, where the peasant selectively chooses confrontation with his target, usually a dominant superior; 4) Solidarity, or "corporate behaviour" that finds strength in a unified approach against a common enemy17; 5) Transmission,
where the spread of peasant violence was, in a pre-literate society,
communicated through signs and symbolism; and finally, 6) Territoriality,
where the peasantry sought to defend their sense of territory - a
construction of "the local" - a sense of belonging to a common lineage
and habitat that gave them a sense of advantage.
Reviews of Guha
The
literature has generally received Guha's book as a welcome addition to
the reformulation of Indian historiography. For example, Walter Hauser,
writing in the Journal of Asian Studies, argues that Guha's work shows
that the Indian peasantry, via Insurgency, needs to be examined on its
own turf and not as a subset of another History, whether Nationalist or
Socialist and further that the idea that the Indian peasantry was inert
and passive must be put to rest.
Writing some six years later,
Hauser similarly praised Guha for his welcome use of vernacular texts,
which underlied the projects' professed goals of History from below by
critically re-engaging the peasant who has been excised from previous
scholarship. And finally, Rosalind O'Hanlon gives Guha and the entire
group of Subaltern scholars credit for there lucid explanations of how
the peasantry took the elite principles of Gandhi and others and
funneled them through their own belief systems and values creating a
unique peasant consciousness ultimately reflected in the many
rebellions.
But the greatest contribution that Guha's work has
had is best summarized by Dipesh Chakrabarty. In many ways a refutation
of many of the criticisms of Guha's work in wake of recent post-colonial
and post-modern scholarship, Chakrabarty clearly outlines the lasting
contributions that the Subaltern scholarship have had on Indian and
general historiography. The Subalternists have successfully taken
traditional Marxist critique of the domination of classes of people and
combined it with recent post-Orientalist and Postmodern scholarship
engaging in a powerful review of western scholarship, one that Marxists
themselves never did, given their basic acceptance of a "hyperreal"
Europe constituting the master narrative to which all else was subsumed.
For example, the Subalternists critically engaged with many of
Foucault's ideas concerning the relationship between power and knowledge
- "hence of the archive itself and of History as a form of knowledge" -
bringing about a new postcoloniality. This is most evidenced in the
works of Shahid Amin. He has often argued, in the words of
anthropologist Emma Tarlo, of the "impossibility of surmounting the high
levels of discrepancy, distortion, and fragmentation which exist
between official records and different personal narrations of an event."
This can be compared with Foucault's insistence on the multiplicity of
discourse.
Gayan Prakesh, writing in the American Historical
Review, also cites this new synthesis of Foucaudian post-structuralist
analysis with more traditional methods of inquiry. Most evident in
Chakrabarty's writings, Prakash argues that given the availability of
few sources whereby the Subalterns left their own voices, Guha and
others were forced to rely on post-structuralists like Foucault and
their ideas of textual readings to discover the true Subaltern
consciousness. For Charkabarty then, it becomes clear that this reality
clearly implies that a colonial subalterneity is in most fundamental
ways differentiated from any generalized state of subalterneity.