Mahmood Mamdani - DEFINE AND RULE: Native as Political Identity from CenterforPlaceCulturePolitics on Vimeo.
Saturday 30 November 2013
Mahmood Mamdani - Define & Rule: Native as Political Identity
Mahmood Mamdani - DEFINE AND RULE: Native as Political Identity from CenterforPlaceCulturePolitics on Vimeo.
Friday 29 November 2013
David Scott interviewed by Stuart Hall
Bomb Magazine, 2005
Stuart Hall David, your book Conscripts of Modernity: The
Tragedy of Colonial Enlightenment is written in the shadow of what you call the
exhaustion and collapse of “the social and political hopes that went into the
anti-colonial imaginary and postcolonial making of national sovereignties.”
What do you think went wrong, fundamentally, with that project?
Does 'On the Postcolony' break with the colonial library?
Mlamuli Hlatswayo, November 2013
Introduction
This essay takes the position that Achille Mbembe’s On the Postcolony (hereafter referred to
as Mbembe’s text) does to a large extent, break with the colonial library.
Furthermore, Mbembe’s text offers a critical analysis of postcolonial Africa
through the privileging of African subjectivities, and a rejection of dominant
modes of representations, which is largely found in Marxism and neo liberal
discussions on Africa. Mary Porter argues that Mbembe rejects these simplistic
binaries (“West” and “South”, “Developed” and “Developing” etc) and the
segmented historical trajectories which not only influence the different modes
of representations in Africa, but they are also influenced and informed by the
Colonial archive (Porter, 2003: 274).
Shifting the Geography of Reason XI: Diverse Lineages of Existentialism—Africana, Feminist, and Decolonial
Caribbean Philosophical Association
2014 ANNUAL MEETING
Shifting the Geography of Reason XI:
Diverse Lineages of Existentialism—Africana, Feminist, and
Decolonial
June 19–21, 2014, Hyatt Regency, St. Louis, Missouri
Call for Papers
Submission Deadline:
February 1, 2014
Abstracts should be submitted to: caribphil@gmail.com
In recent years, existential thought has been revitalized by
a new generation of theorists investigating questions of gender, race, and
sexual orientation. They have brought to light numerous ways in which
existentialism has contributed to, and been shaped by, Africana philosophy,
Latin American philosophy, feminism, and the work of literary writers and
performing artists.
Thursday 28 November 2013
Julius Malema: It's Just a Jump to the Left, And Then a Step to the Right
Richard Pithouse, SACSIS
Being against [one form of] evil doesn't make you good.
- Ernest Hemingway, Islands in the Stream, 1952
Over the last ten years or so there has been an
extraordinary degree of popular protest in South Africa. The seemingly
incorrigible elitism of the higher reaches of our public sphere has meant that,
particularly in the absence of sustained formal organisation, popular protest
has seldom won the right to represent itself in this space. For years the
media, NGOs, academy and political parties were able to substitute the
presentation of their own assumptions, frequently inflected with crude stereotypes,
for rational and democratic engagement. However now that the scale and tenacity
of popular dissent is being more widely recognised there is an astonishing
array of actors trying to capture it, or bits of it, including political
parties, NGOs, activists of various sorts, minor political sects,
entrepreneurs, tenderpreneurs and people with religious, ethnic and cultural
projects.
Tongaat Mall Collapse: The Boomerang Effect
Richard Pithouse, SACSIS
In 1961
Frantz Fanon described the colonial world as “cut in two”, divided into
“compartments .... inhabited by different species”. For Fanon the creation of
different kinds of spaces was central to the creation of different types of
people and their ordering in a hierarchy of value. He concluded that the
ordering of the colonial world must be examined to “reveal the lines of force
it implies”, lines of force that “will allow us to mark out the lines on which
a decolonized society will be reorganized”.
Wednesday 27 November 2013
Autonomy in Brazil: towards a new political culture
By Raúl Zibechi, Roar Magazine
This is the second part of an article by Raul Zibechi on the
recent Brazilian uprisings (read part one here). The full piece was originally
published by the Observatorio Social de América Latina (OSAL Nº 34). English
translation by Ramor Ryan for Upside Down World.
The Pan-American Games as a Rehearsal
“People have the illusion that they will profit from the World
Cup events, but the truth is that they will be brutally suppressed,” said
Roberto Morales, deputy adviser to Marcelo Freixo of the Socialism and Liberty
Party (PSOL), a year and a half before the Confederations Cup. (Zibechi, 2012b)
Morales participates in the Comitê Popular da Copa (Popular Committee for the
World Cup) that was created during the Pan-American Games in Rio de Janeiro in
2007, when local people began to resist forced relocation to make way for
games’ facilities.
Tuesday 26 November 2013
Autonomy in Brazil: below and behind the June uprising
by Raúl Zibechi, Roar Magazine
This article was originally published by the Observatorio
Social de América Latina (OSAL Nº 34). English translation by Ramor Ryan for
Upside Down World.
The huge mobilizations in June 2013 in 353 cities and towns
in Brazil came as much a surprise to the political system as to analysts and
social bodies. Nobody expected so many demonstrations, so numerous, in so many
cities and for so long. As happens in these cases, media analyses were quick
off the mark. Initially they focused on the immediate problems highlighted by
the actions: urban transport, rising fare prices and the poor quality of
service for commuters. Slowly the analyses and perspectives expanded to include
the day-to-day dissatisfaction felt by a large part of the population. While
there was widespread acknowledgement that basic family income had risen during
the last decade of economic growth, social commentators began to focus on
economic inclusion through consumption as the root of the dissatisfaction,
alongside the persistence of social inequality.
Sunday 24 November 2013
Nomboniso Gasa: Long and short of the gender issue
Gender activist Nomboniso Gasa has been on Twitter for most
of this year, although she hasn't yet memorised the social medium's first
commandment: brevity. Her tweets, as a result, are often numbered 1 to 10.
"I was always intrigued by the power attributed to
social media, the role it played in the Arab Spring, its power to report things
as they happen," she said at her home in Observatory, Johannesburg, on
why she joined Twitter. "But I have always wondered about the depth of the
platform. I didn't understand how you could communicate substantial issues in
140 characters. I still haven't mastered it. That's why I do the lists."
Friday 22 November 2013
The death of anti-apartheid campaigner Neil Aggett and South Africa's dark past
Donald McRae, The Guardian
Darkness falls early on a cold afternoon in London as Jill
Burger remembers how detention and death in Johannesburg changed her life for
ever. The last shadowy strands of daylight seep from a room where she describes
how Neil Aggett, her younger brother and a quietly spoken but uncompromising
doctor, was detained by the South African security police. Thirty-two years ago
this month, on 27 November 1981, Neil and his girlfriend, Liz Floyd, who was
also a doctor and an anti-apartheid activist, were seized.
Thursday 21 November 2013
Africa & the Future: An Interview with Achille Mbembe
Achille Mbembe |
Since 2008, when you initiated the Johannesburg Workshop in Theory and
Criticism (JWTC), you were very much concerned with thinking about the future —
why and why now? Is there something about our current epoch that requires us to
think about the future?
Mbembe: There were two reasons. The first was that the category of the
future was very central to the struggle for liberation if only in the sense
that those who were involved in it had constantly to project themselves towards
a time that would be different from what they were going through, what they
were experiencing. So the political, in that sense, was about a constant
engagement with the forces of the present that foreclosed the possibility of
freedom, but it was also the political, closely associated with the idea of
futurity. And what seems to have happened after 1994 [in South Africa since the
first democratic elections after apartheid], is the receding of the future as a
temporary horizon of the political, and of culture in general, and its
substitution by a kind of present that is infinite and a landing. This receding
of the future and its replacement by a landing present is also fostered by the
kind of economic dogma with which we live; to use a short term, neoliberalism.
The time of the market, especially under the current capitalist conditions, is
a time that is very fragmented and the time of consumption is really a time of
the instant. So we wanted to recapture that category of the future and see to
what extent it could be remobilized in the attempt at critiquing the present,
and reopening up a space not only for imagination, but also for the politics of
possibility.
Monday 18 November 2013
Saturday 16 November 2013
Julius Malema’s Economic Freedom Fighters and the South African Left
Benjamin Fogel, Africa is a Country
In geographer Gillian
Hart’s excellent Rethinking the South African Crisis, she points to a rather
curious phenomenon as part of her engagement with the figure of one Julius
Malema and the ‘populist’ turn he represents. She notes that for a change the
far left and liberal right’s politics converge in the sense that they both
share the same critique of the ex-Youth League president and current
commander-in-chief of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF).
Friday 15 November 2013
Thursday 14 November 2013
The Missing women of Marikana
by Camalita Naicker, Amandla Magazine
Often when the history of 'big' events is recorded, after a
while, the stories with specific details are eroded and obscured. It is made to
fit easily into a certain kind of analysis that endures over time. So much so
that what is subsumed under these theoretical beacons of hope are the very
real, very human stories of everyday life and the complexity involved in the
moments leading up to them.
February harvest: Boland
Rustum Kozain
1. The grape picker
Her calves hard as stumps
of vine
an old woman heaves a
basket
like a hump to her back
and hacks
a pearl of phlegm from
her throat.
Daybreak. She yearns to
taste
that warm and sweet
sulphuric wine
and dreams of empty rows
of vine:
one tot for each tenth
load of grapes.
Remembering Edward Said ten years after his death
Vashna Jagarnath, Amandla Magazine
On 19 March 2003, the United States declared war on Iraq.
Six months later, on 25 September, Edward Wadie Said passed away at the age of
67 in New York City after a decade-long struggle with chronic lymphocytic
leukaemia. The loss of one of the most elegant minds of the 20th century was
all the more acutely felt given that the war with Iraq was being justified and
framed by the most crude stereotypes about Arab and Muslim people.
Program for Global Uprisings conference
DAY ONE
FRIDAY 15 NOVEMBER
20.00: Welcome
Welcome from the Stichting Democratie en Media with an introduction and short film from the makers of the globaluprisings.org film series (Brandon Jourdan and Marianne Maeckelbergh).
Wednesday 13 November 2013
The Logic of Nuremberg
Mahmood Mamdani, London Review of Books
In March, General Bosco Ntaganda, the ‘Terminator’, former
chief of military operations for the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC), wanted
for war crimes and crimes against humanity, voluntarily surrendered himself at
the US embassy in Kigali and was flown to the headquarters of the International
Criminal Court at The Hague. The chargesheet included accusations of murder,
rape, sexual slavery, persecution and pillage, offences documented in detail by
Human Rights Watch over the last ten years. Ntaganda’s trial, scheduled for
next year, will follow that of Thomas Lubanga, the UPC’s president, who was
convicted in 2012. There seems to be no question about the justice of the
proceedings. At the same time, however, the UN Security Council has been
pursuing a strategy of armed intervention in eastern Congo, using troops from
South Africa and Tanzania, against the rebel groups Ntaganda and others
commanded. Both initiatives – the prosecution of rebel leaders for war crimes
and military operations against their personnel – are taking place when peace
talks between government and rebels are well underway. This, then, is a
co-ordinated military and judicial solution for what is also, and
fundamentally, a political problem. Inevitably with such solutions, the winners
take all.
Tuesday 12 November 2013
Fear and Loathing in the ANC – Part Two
It is almost a year since President Jacob Zuma swept to the
leadership of the African National Congress for the second time at its national
elective conference at Mangaung. Zuma’s margin of victory cemented his hold on
the oldest liberation movement on the continent and also concretised a new way
of political organisation and patronage within the political party that had
developed out of its Polokwane conference five years earlier. In the second
part of this series first published in Rolling Stone magazine, Niren Tolsi emerges
from the mushroom cloud that was Mangaung. The Con
“It’s the end of the world as we know it, and I feel fine.”
Neither the Irishman nor I was in death throes, floundering
in a pool of vomit and blood after a relentless five days in Mangaung in
December last year.
Monday 11 November 2013
Despite the state's violence, our fight to escape the mud and fire of South Africa's slums will continue
Our movement of shack-dwellers – Abahlali baseMjondolo,
representing some of South Africa's poorest people – was formed in 2005 in
Durban and now has more than 12,000 members in more than 60 shack settlements.
We campaign against evictions, and for public housing: struggling for a world
in which human dignity comes before private profit, and land, cities, wealth
and power are shared fairly.
When Abahlali baseMjondolo members take our place in cities
we take it humbly, but firmly. We have won many important battles in court,
including the overturning of the anti-poor Slums Act – but the law has not
bought justice. Despite that victory, thousands of shack dwellers were forcibly
removed to make way for developments ahead of the 2010 World Cup. Most were
dumped in transit camps, left to rot without basic services. Some camps – such
as Isipingo, south of Durban – were built on flood plains.
Friday 8 November 2013
Fear and Loathing in the ANC
by Niren Tolsi
A year after the African National Congress held its national
conference in Mangaung, which returned president Jacob Zuma to its top
position, The Con republishes a two-piece special that examines the Fear and
Loathing in South African politics which first appeared in Rolling Stone
magazine.
Shit. Why Not? If Marry-Wanna presents herself, you can’t
refuse the dance.
Especially if, at that moment, the cops are gathered upwind
around a police Nyala ten metres away in one of the most securitised parts of
the country.
Insouciance demanded it. Even if it was kak Limpopo majat.
December 2007.
Everyone who matters in the African National Congress (ANC) is in Polokwane for
the elective conference that will see Jacob Zuma rise to the party’s
presidency.
Thursday 7 November 2013
EFF and the return of the warrior citizen
by Siphokazi Magadla, Thought Leader
The
advent of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) has gained much attention as the
first clear reconfiguration of youth politics in post-apartheid South Africa.
Much has been discussed about the policies proposed by “Commander-in-Chief”
Julius Malema and his commissars, especially those regarding nationalisation
and the appropriation of land. While there has been some discussion about the
significance of the red beret, there has been little discussion about the
significance of the military nature of the language used by the EFF. This
language is important in the South African context because it demonstrates the
extent to which “peace” in South Africa is evidently militarised peace.
Wednesday 6 November 2013
More than just a thorny ride: (un) accounting for my silence in the company of homophobes
Lerato Makate, Bokamoso
After I attended my first annual Soweto Pride — LGBTI Parade
in Johannesburg, South Africa — it was time to head on home. I ran across a
bumper traffic congested main road, which runs between Mofolo, White City,
Jabulani and Jabavu township locations in a typical Soweto Saturday night. As my cousin gestures a random sign to the taxis, a minibus taxi
stops and I in a snail’s pace climb into the front seat, minding my hip injury.
Inside the taxi it’s a buzz with two toddlers singing their rendition of the
South African national anthem remixed with a nursery rhyme, women sharing their
day’s events especially from the stokvels — social gatherings that bring women
from across any township location together, over music food and drink.
Friday 1 November 2013
Cry me a river of crocodile tears
Sisonke Msimang |
It is
March. Anene Booysen is mutilated, murdered and raped. We are shamed into
action, shaken by the brutality of the crime. We imagine our own seventeen year
olds and we pray that her soul rests in peace.
It is
October. Zandile and Yonelisa are murdered in communal toilets in Diepsloot. We
think about our own babies, fat and brown swaying precariously on newly found
feet. We wonder what their mothers would have felt. We want to weep.We are
outraged.
The Housing List versus the Death List
by Bandile Mdlalose
We
are supposed to be living in a democratic country, a country of justice, a
country where everyone should be treated as one. Yet there is a huge
inequality. That inequality is economic, it is spatial and it is political. We
remain divided into rich and poor. We continue to be allocated to different
kinds of places that are meant for different kinds of people with different
kinds of opportunities, different kinds of lives and different kinds of rights.
We continue to be divided into those that have the freedom to express
themselves and those that face all kinds of intimidation and repression if we
commit the crime of telling the truths about our lives.
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